'however, as soon as private interests, collectively organized, were compelled to assume political form, the public sphere necessarily became an arena in which conflicts also had to be settled that transformed the structure of political compromise from the ground up. the public sphere was burdened with the tasks of settling conflicts of interest that could not be accommodated within the classical forms of parliamentary consensus and agreement; their settlements bore the marks of their origins in the sphere of the market. compromise literally had to be haggled out, produced temporarily through pressure and counterpressure and supported directly only through the unstable equilibrium of a power constellation between state apparatus and interest groups...'
it goes on about this topic for a while. it begins in a chapter called 'the transmuted function of the principle of publicity', which, at the moment, is not exactly what i am looking for. but still. we will see.
'in this way special-interest associations have in fact left the confines established by the statutes regulating the status of associations under civil law; their stated aim is the transformation of the private interests of many individuals into a common public interest, the credible representation and demonstration of the particular association's special interest as the general interest. in this enterprise special-interest associations have far-reaching political power at their disposal not in spite of but on account of their private character; especially, they can manipulate "public opinion" without themselves being controlled by it. for this is the result of the dual necessity of exercising social power, on the one hand, and of claiming legitimation before the traditional standards of a disintegrating public sphere, on the other...'
more if needed. p 200.
'publicity work is aimed at strengthening the prestige of one's own position without making the matter on which a compromise is to be achieved itself a topic of public discussion.'
the publicity bit goes for the next few pages.
'now for the first time there emerged something like modern propaganda, from the very start with the Janus face of enlightenment and control; of information and advertising; of pedagogy and manipulation.
'the interdependence of politically relevant events had increased. along with its communal basis, the public sphere lost its place. it lost its clear boundary over against the private sphere on the one hand and the "world public" on the other; it lost its transparency and no longer admitted of a comprehensive view. there arose as an alternative to class parties, that "integration party" whose form was usually not clearly enough distinguished from them. it "took hold" of the voters temporarily and moved them to provide acclamation, without attempting to remedy their political immaturity. today this kind of mass based party trading on surface integration has become the dominant type.'
the rise of a new political apparatus and the link to the public sphere, and how things have changed.
'the transformation of the parliament's function brings the dubiousness of publicity as the organizational principle of the stare order into full view. from a critical principle wielded by the public, publicity has been transformed into a principle of managed integration (wielded by staging agencies--the administration, special-interest groups, and above all the parties). a consumer culture's distortion of publicity in the judicial realm matches the plebiscitary distortion of parliamentary publicity. for the trials in criminal court that are interesting enough to be documented and hawked by the mass media reverse the critical principle of publicity in an analogous manner; instead of serving the control of the jurisdictional process by the assembled citizens of the state, publicity increasingly serves the packaging of court proceedings for the mass culture of assembled consumers.
--next paragraph, somewhat down--
'to be sure proceedings are to continue to be open to the public; what is to be avoided is turning parliamentary documentation of internally haggled out resolutions into party grandstanding or criminal trials into show trials for the entertainment of consumers who, strictly speaking, are indifferent. the argument is directed against the plebiscitary deviations from the liberal model. typical for this purpose is the distinction between public sphere and publicity...'
'for the periodic staging, when elections come around, of a political public sphere fits smoothly into the constellation representing the decayed form of the bourgeois public sphere. initially the integration culture concocted and propagated by the mass media, although unpolitical in its intention, itself represents a political ideology; a political program, or any staged announcement whatsoever, must indeed not enter into competition with it by must strive for concordance...'
'advertising is the other function that has been taken over by the mass media-dominated public sphere. consequently the parties and their auxiliary organizations see themselves forced to influence voting decisions publicistically in a fashion has its analogue in the way advertising pressure bears on buying decisions. there emerges the industry of political marketing. party agitators and old style propagandists give way to advertising experts neutral in respect to party politics and employed to sell politics in an unpolitical way...'
more on advertising in elections and such as it goes on. slightly skewed and not what i am looking for, perhaps.
'the disintegration of the electorate as a public becomes manifest with the realization that press and radio, "deployed in the usual manner," have practically no effect; within the framework of the manufactured public sphere the mass media are useful only as vehicles of advertising. the parties address themselves to the "people," de facto to that minority whose state of mind is symptomatically revealed, according to the survey researchers, in terms of an average vocabulary of five hundred words...'
more as it goes on, of course.
pages 222 to 235 are chapter twenty three, which is 'the political public sphere and the transformation of the liberal constitutional state into a social welfare state'.
it begins with:
'the characteristic imbalance between those functions that the political public sphere actually fulfills today and those that, in the context of the changed relation between public sphere and private realm, might be expected of it in relation to the needs of a democratically organized society becomes palpable wherever the transformation of the liberal constitutional state into the so-called social welfare state is explicitly legislated and, often enough, anticipated in its intention by the letter and spirit of constitutional institutions.'
which of course the next thirteen pages elaborates upon, and so forth.